Saturday, April 1, 2017

Group3, Week1: Topic: A Government's Opportunity Cost of Subsidizing the Financing for Nuclear Plant CAPEX.

Group3, Week2:  Topic:  A Government's Opportunity Cost of Subsidizing the Financing for Nuclear Plant CAPEX.  Peter Horne, Trey Johansen, Aaron Plitt. 

The Energy Policy Act of 2005 revitalized the nuclear power industry in the U.S.  Before the Energy Policy Act was enacted, the new construction of nuclear facilities was largely dormant.  The shadow and paranoia of the 1979 Three Mile Island Incident, which was the closest the U.S. ever came to a nuclear meltdown, still cast fear across the general public's perception of the value versus safety of nuclear power.  This fear also engendered new legislation that promulgated onerous restrictions and safety protocols for the construction of new facilities.  This political climate paralleled with the more general rising costs in the nuclear construction industry stifled new construction for more than 25 years.  The initial CAPEX required to build a new nuclear facility was simply and overwhelmingly cost-prohibitive.  The Energy Policy Act of 2005, however, changed the construction economics for nuclear power generators.  The Act provided government funding (particularly for developing hydrogen fusion reactor technology) and created a series of taxpayer-financed subsidies to reduce the capital commitments power companies had to make to build new plants.  The Energy Policy Act offered loan guarantees, extended liability insurance, tax-favored treatment for decommissioning old plant assets, and, significantly, tax credits based on each kilowatt-hour of nuclear electricity generated.  

Many power companies took advantage of the Energy Policy Act's incentives and began to build new reactors, mostly in the Southeastern U.S.  The net benefit, even net neutrality, of the Energy Policy Act, however, is still up for debate.  Several studies reported that taxpayers were at a loss under the Act's new programs, and the subsidies were "valued at as much as 60 to 90 percent of the levelized cost of power from a new nuclear reactor" --i.e. taxpayers are paying a large portion of the construction costs.  Source: http://www.ncpirgedfund.org/reports/ncp/high-cost-nuclear-power.  The legislation eliminated the CAPEX financing dilemma for power companies, but did it create an overall net loss for taxpayers?  Lest we forget, taxpayers are also employees and consumers.  These new nuclear facilities created jobs, generated (relatively) cheap electricity, and emitted no fossil fuel byproduct.  All taxpayers, workers, and consumers welcome these non-government budget benefits, but could the same results or similar benefits have been achieved without the purported budget hit?  Could these taxpayer dollars have been "better" spent on other energy programs?  

At present, the U.S. Senate is again considering legislation that could add more government funding, incentives, and subsidies.  (The bill is still in the Senate Committee stage, so it is uncertain what the final provisions will be).  The Advanced Nuclear Technology Act of 2017 is poised to “foster civilian research and development of advanced nuclear energy technologies and enhance the licensing and commercial deployment of such technologies."  Source: HR 590 and https://www.forbes.com/sites/jamesconca/2017/02/05/can-nuclear-power-rise-from-the-chaos-in-washington/#1ef0f6ad499f.  What remains to be seen, however, is whether the opportunity cost of allocating funds under the Advanced Nuclear Technology Act will be analyzed.  Facilities for wind, solar, biomass, and other renewable energy sources, while by no means are insignificant, have much less initial CAPEX outlay requirements than nuclear power plants.  These energy alternatives also create jobs, generate (relatively) cheap electricity, and reduce carbon emissions.  Would the NPV of x dollars allocated to a new wind farm be greater than the NPV of the same x dollars allocated to a new nuclear reactor?  Politics of course clouds this study, and the exercise of doing so and the resulting decision(s) are not easy.  

In terms of energy finance, legislation seems to be the only answer to reduce initial nuclear CAPEX commitments.  The price of electricity (unlike oil) will likely never rise to a level where a power company could expect to recover its nuclear plant construction outlays. The solution, therefore, at least from an opportunity cost perspective, is to propose legislation that aims to reduce the true costs of construction instead of shifting those costs.  In this regard (and at least in its current pre-Senate Committee state), the Advanced Nuclear Technology Act of 2017 appears to be much better suited to accomplish this goal as compared to the Energy Policy Act of 2005.  The 2017 Act differs because its target is to allocate the funding of research to develop new technology (smaller modular reactors) and new ways to recycle nuclear fuel (uranium). As a result, assuming the American public is willing to dedicate its tax dollars to nuclear power over wind, solar, and other alternatives (which is an important assumption), the 2017 Act offers a much more direct and economically-measured approach to the U.S. Government's opportunity cost problem of financing nuclear CAPEX. 
  

Other Sources Consulted:  




4 comments:

  1. Generally speaking, I agree with your assessment that the Advanced Nuclear Technology Act of 2017 should meet the objective of containing costs associated with nuclear capital expenditures. Development of smaller modular reactors and innovative ways of recycling expensive nuclear fuel should in theory reduce prices and/or increase efficiency. Any rational person would agree with such a conclusion. That said, the development of large and strategically relevant capital projects like nuclear reactors is fatally flawed in part because it requires the involvement of the government or government-like entities that act as a financial safety net or put option to developers.

    Government involvement in the form of subsidies and the like creates an incentive mismatch between developers/power companies and and the public. The power companies are concerned entirely with their own bottom-lines. And so, developers care to contain costs insofar as their bottom-line is protected, but not enough to protect the public's interest. The end result is capital expenditure inflation above the true costs of a project. This is not unlike the healthcare system, in which drug prices and healthcare services have extremely lofty price tags in part because the government is covering a large portion of the costs via Medicare and Medicaid.

    The point I am making is that the Energy Policy Act of 2005 - by providing subsidies (aka financial backstops to developers) - was inviting price inflation for large nuclear capital projects. The new bill - which subsidizes research for new technologies - is a large improvement in combating this inflation, but not enough in my opinion. It would be nice to see the bill promote improved regimes for funding such large projects that align the incentives of the parties involved in development.

    There are several different models that have emerged with regard to funding nuclear power plant developments that I believe are superior to simple government subsidy and could be included in the 2017 model in order to improve its general impact. I include a summary of these various funding models below:

    1) Corporate Balance Sheet Funding - Private Companies fund the development themselves
    2) French Exceltium Model - A French model for funding nuclear energy products that involves financing by banks and strategic industrial partners who enter into long-term customer contracts with the plant
    3) The Finnish Mankala Model - A Finnish model in which industrial customers assist in funding the project in return for a right to acquire electricity at cost
    4) The Vendor Equity Model - This model grants vendors equity in the nuclear project in return for goods/services provided

    At the core of each of these funding models is the alignment of incentives of all parties involved that should lead to the lowest cost outcome. In the French and Finnish models, industrial clients finance the projects and therefore have an interest in seeing lower costs of development, which will in turn lead to lower costs of electricity. The vendor equity model also utilizes 3rd party sources of funds - in this case from vendors. Having vendors with an equity stake in the project is perhaps the most effective means of containing costs as vendors are willing to provide goods and services at or near cost.

    Generally I agree with your assessment that the 2017 bill should have an effect in terms of containing costs for large nuclear capital projects. However, I would like a pathway for some of these alternative financing schemes that would better align incentives among all parties to contain costs.

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  2. A good post that brings up the "true" costs of construction and government funding of nuclear power plants. I agree for the most part that the Energy Policy Act of 2005 was not the most efficient way to provide nuclear power generation to the masses. As the post says, the loan guarantees provided by the government allowed utilities to overbuild and recover their costs without much consideration for the public. However, despite the policy’s shortcomings it may be helpful to keep in mind that it is the government’s role to invest in and push for policies that help its agenda, in this case nuclear power for reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. A fact sheet from the Nuclear Energy Institute (NEI, 2016) shows nuclear has only been a recipient of 9% ($74 billion) of total federal energy incentives since its inception in 1950, most of which was R&D budget for the breeder reactor program which ended in 1988. After 1988, more funding went to coal research than nuclear and since 1994, more has been spent on renewable energy research (NEI, 2016). Although the “net benefit” of the Energy Policy Act of 2005 may remain unclear, in order to diversify and propel different technologies to their full potential, I think that investing in a broad range of technologies was and remains the most rational way to ensure the largest net benefit to the public.
    I also agree that the Advanced Nuclear Policy Act of 2017 shows promise for the general purposes of advancing nuclear technology by focusing on the R&D aspect. By establishing desired results such as smaller modular reactors this established a baseline from which advances and performance can be measured. However, I'm not too clear on how it would make good on its word of "enhance the licensing and commercial deployment of such technologies". Although the Republican Policy Committee’s summary mentions that the bill “authorizes the appropriations of amounts to the NRC for the development of a regulatory infrastructure for advanced nuclear reactor technologies is not subject to statutory “fee recovery” requirements”, this does not seem to impact existing fee recovery requirements (govtrack, 2017). The argument that the public will have to choose nuclear over renewables is questionable because it could depend on the source of the funding so they are not pitted against each other for the same funding.
    The Advanced Nuclear Policy Act seems to be on the right track, of course the challenge remains in how efficiently federal incentives can be spent within the nuclear sector. Strictly focusing on R&D should provide relevant Department of Energy facilities the funding to produce results and allow for the private sector to step in and bring them to market. No one can predict what kind of results and on what timeline things will proceed but public support and education will still be needed to reap the fruits that these investments will create.
    Sources:
    Govtrack. Advanced Nuclear Technology Development Act of 2017 (H.R. 590). (2017). GovTrack.us. Retrieved 6 April 2017, from https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/115/hr590
    NEI. (2016). The Facts About Federal Subsidies for Energy: Nuclear Energy Does Not Dominate Federal Spending (1st ed.). NEI. Retrieved from https://www.nei.org/CorporateSite/media/filefolder/Policy/Papers/Nuclear-Subsidies_Fact-Sheet.pdf?ext=.pdf

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  3. Hi Peter,

    This blog topic is a nice one that gave me the opportunity to go into more detail in nuclear energy financing. What I found from the EIA data is that the contribution of nuclear energy in the total electricity generation is almost constant to 20% since 1990 (EIA, 2017) which corresponds to the fact that growth in the nuclear power generation is proportional to the total electricity growth even before Energy Policy Act of 2005 and provision of Loan Guarantee Program by Department of Energy in the nuclear domain came into picture. However, Annual Energy Outlook poses a different picture when it forecast a decreasing trend in the total installed capacity of nuclear power plants from 98.5 GW in 2015 to 76.5 GW in 2050 (Annual Enegy Outlook, 2017). This may be mainly due to focus on renewable sources (which clearly shows sharp upward trend) and combined cycle power plant and public perception towards nuclear plant and “Not in My Backyard” syndrome.

    Clearly, it is worth finding out as to what was the structure of financing before Loan Guarantee Program. Having said that, Nuclear power producers have immensely benefitted from the Loan Guarantee Program which is evident from their strong support to this program and voice to make it a permanent program citing the argument that Loan guarantee program is a great way for the federal treasury to generate revenue by credit subsidy costs and other fees paid by project sponsors (U S Nuclear Power Policy, 2016).

    What I believe, Dept. of Energy is considering to supplement Loan Guarantee Program to include construction of advanced nuclear reactors, small modular reactors and upgrades of existing facilities. A clause which has huge correlation with the new proposed act namely Advance Nuclear Technology Act of 2017.

    Things till now painted a quite rosy picture until we heard of bankruptcy filing by Toshiba ‘subsidiary Westinghouse Electric who is involved in the development of Vogtle project of Southern Co.’s subsidiary Georgia Power. Southern Co. was awarded $ 8.3 billion loan guarantee issued under Obama Administration and if Westinghouse terminates its EPC contract, Georgia power would be required to prepay the outstanding federal loan balance (Maloney, 2017). Additional delay on the project in this scenario would increase the burden on ratepayers only and this loss of loan amount
    What my point is here that after Solyndra, Southern Co. may supplement for an argument against of any subsidies in form of tax incentives or loan guarantee program sponsored by Government and it is time to rethink by the Government whether it should involve itself in to the financing structure of nuclear power plant at all or not.

    I completely agree with David’s point that alternative financing scheme must also be considered especially Vendor Equity model which will not only be helpful in containing cost of plant but also will make sure that utility would get best goods and services for the cost they would pay for the project development.

    I am curious to see how your blog shapes in the coming days and looking forward to know more about any change in the perception of federal government after these incidents.

    References
    Annual Enegy Outlook. (2017). Retrieved from EIA: https://www.eia.gov/outlooks/aeo/data/browser/#/?id=9-AEO2017&region=0-0&cases=ref2017&start=2015&end=2050&f=A&linechart=ref2017-d120816a.8-9-AEO2017~ref2017-d120816a.27-9-AEO2017~ref2017-d120816a.11-9-AEO2017~ref2017-d120816a.4-9-AEO2017~ref2017-d120816a
    EIA. (2017). Retrieved from EIA: https://www.eia.gov/totalenergy/data/browser/index.php?tbl=T08.01#/?f=A
    Maloney, P. (2017, March). Utility Dive. Retrieved from http://www.utilitydive.com/news/westinghouse-bankruptcy-puts-83b-in-federal-loan-guarantees-for-vogtle-pl/439508/
    U S Nuclar Power Policy. (2016). Retrieved from World Nuclear Association: http://www.world-nuclear.org/information-library/country-profiles/countries-t-z/usa-nuclear-power-policy.aspx

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  4. Nice job … I didn’t know about this legislation (actually I was surprised!). Thoughts: (i) it’s going to be awfully hard to get to the bottom of this opportunity cost question without putting some sort of cost on carbon and on the intermitancy problems of renewables. The latter aren’t mentioned in your post, but they seem paramount to me. Can one make a case for nuclear as the go-to technology for times when the wind isn’t blowing? (I guess that the answer is partly no because it takes a long time to turn off/on … but as “baseload” perhaps this is where the big economic benefits are, if properly measured). (ii) some other EF angles are (a) capacity payments, two-tier pricing etc in an attempt to assure nuc developers that their fixed costs stand a reasonable chance of getting covered, (b) some sort of government (partially) guaranteed project financing structures instead of production tax credits and the like … this might make for better private sector decision making.

    Bottom line: Great topic and attempt at hitting the finance issues …. but please try to sharpen up your overall position as we move forward to the Op-Ed.

    Grading Rubric (badly formatted because comments don’t allow formatting)
    Possible “grades:” Excellent (E), Very Good (VG), Good (G), Could be Better(CBB)
    Takes a clear position: G
    Substantiates the position: G
    Informs the casual reader: VG
    Clarity/quality of exposition: VG

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